Showing posts with label Amazonia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Amazonia. Show all posts

Tuesday, 12 July 2016

A multidisciplinary view of pre-Columbian Amazonia

In June 2016 a multidisciplinary group of researchers working in Amazonia got together in Barcelona to discuss to what extent and in what way pre-Columbian populations changed the landscape of ancient Amazonia.  The meeting was funded by the INQUA Commission for Humans and the Biosphere and SIMULPAST. Here you can find the talks that were given on the 8th of June. Unfortunately, the first talk, given by Marie-Pierre Ledru, was not recorded due to technical problems.

Marie-Pierre Ledru - Palaeoecologist: Paleoecological changes in the Amazon basin during the Holocene

Abstract:
Amazonia supports the largest rainforest system in the world. However this rainforest-dominant basin is composed of several types of vegetation including savanna, dry forests and mangrove mostly found on the transition zones. We will examine the different responses of the plant assemblages that characterize each of these vegetal communities and, how the global climate and the sea level changes  affected Amazonian landscape and plant diversity throughout the Holocene. Observed differences in tree cover, biomass, elevation, climate all over the territory altered the plant responses in different manners thus increasing the range of environmental responses.We will review and compare pollen records located in each vegetation type that compose the Amazon Basin. Hiatuses in sedimentation are common to all pollen records, although at different time intervals in function of their location. Expression of the environmental responses in northern, eastern, western and coastal Amazonia will be examined and compared to their adjacent biome evolution. Drier climate or drier soil conditions prevailed until the early Holocene although he re-start of lacustrine sedimentation is observed at different time intervals throughout Amazonia. The mid Holocene drought 8 to 5 kyr was prolongated in south and eastern Amazon until 3 kyr. Alternance of wet and dry episodes characterized the last millennia. We will also examine how the predicted increase of sea level and the global warming may affect this extremely moist and warm region in the future.

Umberto Lombardo - Geographer: El paisaje antrópico de la Amazonia Boliviana (In Spanish)

Abstract:
Los Llanos de Moxos, en la Amazonia Boliviana, son un conjunto de sabanas inundables ubicadas en la parte más meridional de la cuenca Amazonia. Esta región se caracteriza por la presencia de numerosas obras de tierra pre-Colombinas, como lomas monumentales, terraplenes, canales de irrigación y drenaje, campos agrícolas elevados (camellones) e islas de monte. Todos estos restos arqueológicos son la expresión de sociedades de cazadores recolectores antes y agrícolas después, que vivieron allí antes de la llegada de los españoles, desde hace 10000 años. A lo largo de estos 10.000 años, estás sociedades pre-Colombinas han sido afectadas por cambios medioambientales, y al mismo tiempo, han afectado el medio ambiente de manera permanente, tanto que el increíble paisaje de los Llanos de Moxos es el resultado de las complejas interacciones entre gente, ríos y clima. En mi charla exploraré estas dinámicas y interacciones entre pre-Colombinos y medioambiente en distintos lugares de la Amazonia Boliviana, intentando mostrar como la variabilidad espacial de las obras pre-Colombinas se corresponde con cambios en las características del paisaje y en las propiedades del los suelos.


Eduardo Góes Neves - Archaeologist: En búsqueda del año 6K en la Amazonia Antigua: Evidencias Tempranas de Cambios Paisajísticos (In Spanish)

Abstract:

Investigaciones arqueológicas recientes en la cuenca amazónica enseñan que esta región estuvo densamente ocupada en el pasado precolombino y que las poblaciones que allá vivían hicieran cambios en las condiciones ecológicas de la región. Si correcta, tal hipótesis sugiere que lejos de prístinos, los ambientes amazónicos tienen una larga historia de manejo hecho por los pueblos indígenas. Aunque tales formas de cambio sean visibles en los hallazgos arqueológicos relacionados a ocupaciones de pasado relativamente reciente, al rededor de 2 mil años BP, poco sabemos sobre ocupaciones mas antiguas fechadas al rededor de 6 mil años BP, o 6K. De hecho, por razones que todavía no son claras, en la arqueología amazónica asimismo como de otras partes de las tierras bajas de Sudamérica, parece más fácil encontrarse evidencias de ocupación humanas fechadas de la transición Pleistoceno-Holoceno, al rededor de 12-10 K BP, que del Holoceno medio, alrededor de 6K. Esta charla presentará los resultados preliminares de un proyecto de investigaciones el SW de la Amazonía, donde contextos fechados al rededor del año 6K han sido identificados. Los resultados preliminares nos permiten identificar algunas formas tempranas de manejo en la Amazonía e proponer hipótesis más amplias sobre la relación de largo plazo entre cambios climáticos y dinámicas culturales en la Amazonia antigua.




Charles R. Clement - Biologist: Plant domestication and dispersal in Amazonia (In English)


Abstract:

Throughout history, humans have developed uses for some 5000 native Amazonian plant species, and at least 85 of them have also been selected and propagated, which is the beginning of domestication. Domestication is a process in which humans select and propagate plant populations with traits that are useful to them; the interaction between human agency and natural selection results in anthropogenic plant populations embedded in landscapes that are increasingly useful to humans. In these populations, domestication can create subtle or dramatic changes in morphology, biochemistry and genetics. Likewise, landscape domestication may be subtle or dramatic, from modest changes in forest species composition to complete transformation of the landscape in swiddens and settlements. In recent years, studies combining molecular genetics and biogeography have allowed the identification of centers of domestication and routes of dispersal of some important Amazonian domesticates. Manioc (Manihot esculenta) was domesticated in southwestern Amazonia and selected for minimum toxicity; this ‘sweet’ manioc was widely dispersed quite early, arriving in Pacific coastal Peru by 8000 BP. ‘Bitter’ manioc appears to have been selected later in swiddens and was important in central and northern Amazonia. Cacao (Theobroma cacao) was semi-domesticated by 5000 BP in Amazonian Ecuador for the sweet pulp around the seeds and was dispersed both to Mesoamerica (where chocolate was invented) and to eastern Amazonia, which went unnoticed until recently because there was no chocolate there! Peach palm (Bactris gasipaes) was also domesticated in southwestern Amazonia and dispersed both northwestward to Central America, becoming a major starch crop used for fermented drinks, and northeastward to central and eastern Amazonia, where it was used as a snack. Guaraná (Paullinia cupana) is a stimulant and the only crop known to be domesticated in central Amazonia; it is a high level polyploid with very little genetic diversity, suggesting a very recent domestication (1000 BP). Brazil nut (Bertholletia excelsa) was used by 11,200 BP, and is incipiently domesticated and widely dispersed across central and eastern Amazonia in forest stands associated with archaeological sites. Its center of domestication is not yet confirmed, with southwestern and northeastern Amazonia being considered. Future integration with archaeology, especially archaeobotany, and palaeoecology will increase the relevance of these studies to understand the history of Amazonian crops, people and landscapes.




Manuel Arroyo-Kalin - Archaeologist: Los Suelos Antrópicos de la Amazonía: algo más que tierra negra… (In English)




Stéphen Rostain - Archaeologist: Amazonía, el dinamismo de un paisaje tropical único (In Spanish)


Abstract:

Se admite hoy en día que los paisajes en los cuales vivimos son resultado tanto de antiguas actividades humanas como de procesos naturales. Los ecosistemas amazónicos, al igual que otras tierras antiguamente ocupadas por el hombre, han evolucionado en función de las acciones de este. Así, solo la asociación de las ciencias de la Vida y de la Tierra permite una evaluación de las contribuciones respectivas del  hombre y de la naturaleza en la construcción del paisaje ecuatorial. Es el caso de un proyecto llevado a cabo en las sabanas costeras de las Guyanas, el mismo que contó con la colaboración de arqueólogos, arqueobotánicos, ecólogos, pedólogos, etc. Si bien la arqueología alimenta a las ciencias de la naturaleza con temas de estudio cruzados, para la lectura del pasado se  nutre también  de  otras  ciencias que  le proporcionan nuevos métodos complementarios de los clásicos y la ayudan a reconstruir de manera mucho más completa el contexto medio ambiental en el cual la cultura antigua se hallaba inserta. Es entonces, una nueva historia del paisaje la que se dibuja poco a poco. 



Maximilien Guèze - Ethnobotanist: Shifts in indigenous culture relate to forest tree diversity: A case study from the Tsimane’, Bolivian Amazon (In Spanish)


Abstract:

Understanding how indigenous peoples’ management practices relate to biological diversity requires addressing contemporary changes in indigenous peoples’ way of life. This study explores the association between cultural change among a Bolivian Amazonian indigenous group, the Tsimane’, and tree diversity in forests surrounding their villages. We interviewed 86 informants in six villages about their level of attachment to traditional Tsimane’ values, our proxy for cultural change. We estimated tree diversity (Fisher’s Alpha index) by inventorying trees in 48 0.1-ha plots in old-growth forests distributed in the territory of the same villages. We used multivariate models to assess the relation between cultural change and alpha tree diversity. Cultural change was associated with alpha tree diversity and the relation showed an inverted U-shape, thus suggesting that tree alpha diversity peaked in villages undergoing intermediate cultural change. Although the results do not allow for testing the direction of the relation, we propose that cultural change relates to tree diversity through the changes in practices and behaviors that affect the traditional ecological knowledge of Tsimane’ communities; further research is needed to determine the causality. Our results also find support in the intermediate disturbance hypothesis, and suggest that indigenous management can be seen as an intermediate form of anthropogenic disturbance affecting forest communities in a subtle, non-destructive way.




Evert Thomas - Biologist: Spatial patterns in the natural and human history of Brazil nut across the Amazon Basin: megarodents, glacial refugia, terra preta and geoglyphs (In Spanish)




Amy Goldberg - Mathematician and Anthropologist: Post-invasion human demography in prehistoric South America: a continental view (In English)


Abstract:

As the last habitable continent colonized by humans, the site of multiple domestication hotspots, and the location of the largest Pleistocene megafaunal extinction, South America is central to human prehistory. Yet remarkably little is known about human population dynamics during colonization, subsequent expansions, and domestication. Here we reconstruct the continental-scale spatiotemporal patterns of human population growth in South America using a database of 1,147 archaeological sites and 5,464 calibrated radiocarbon dates spanning fourteen thousand to two thousand years ago (ka). Notably, our database demonstrates substantial regional variation in coverage, suggesting further work for Northeastern South America and Amazonia.
We demonstrate that early human expansions showed the same pattern characteristic of invading animal populations, with resource-limited growth. Only with widespread sedentism, beginning ~5 ka, did a second demographic phase begin, with evidence for exponential population growth in cultural hotspots, characteristic of the shift to agriculture worldwide.



Carla Jaimes Betancourt - Archaeologist: La dinámica cultural al suroeste de la Amazonia a la luz del registro arqueológico (In Spanish)


Abstract:

La arqueología amazónica enfrenta grandes cuestionamientos paradigmáticos. Al mismo tiempo que aumentan las evidencias de monumentalidad y manejo de recursos naturales, se devela una enorme diversidad de contextos culturales y patrones de transformación del paisaje. Aunque los procesos históricos y sociales de cómo se generaron estas manifestaciones en el paisaje cultural amazónico se encuentran todavía en discusión, la mayoría de estas transformaciones son atribuidas por lo general a la dispersión de la familia lingüística Arawak. En esta ponencia, se coteja el registro arqueológico de dos áreas culturalmente distintas de los Llanos de Mojos, con algunos de los modelos planteados que intentan explicar el proceso de “arawakización” en la Amazonía. Comprobándose que en Mojos y de manera coetánea, se desarrollaron diferentes procesos culturales locales, en escenarios multiétnicos y posiblemente plurilingües, que desembocaron en la creación de sociedades con características inalienables a las supuestas influencias Arawak. Dejando al descubierto, que únicamente mediante el estudio de los desarrollos culturales locales durante el holoceno medio, podremos entender el surgimiento de estos complejos procesos ocupacionales.



Philip Riris - Archaeologist: Dates and Dispersions: examining the spatio-temporal boundaries of the Guaraní expansion into the La Plata basin with Monte Carlo methods (In English)


Abstract:

he direction and timing of the Guaraní expansion into the La Plata basin from an Amazonian origin is a matter of no small debate in the study of South American indigenous cultures. The short timeframe of the Guaraní expansion (2000 – 500 BP) during the late Holocene, as well as the distances involved, are both used to explain it as the result of the migration of significant numbers of people in a classic “wave of advance”. The process is further broken down into “pulses” punctuated by periods of relative stasis in which colonization through the valleys of major rivers was halted or slowed. These factors, combined with a broad base of empirical data from decades of research, provide the impetus for refining established chronologies of the Guaraní dispersal. 
We use a published database of georeferenced dates to model the its spread at the beginning of the Common Era from a presumed entry point until the time of European contact at its known limits at the La Plata delta and Atlantic coast of Brazil. Using Monte Carlo methods, we examine the dispersal as a function of time and distance in order to constrain the probable start dates for entry into different zones. Additionally, we investigate the notion that Guaraní groups enveloped large sectors of terrain contiguously as the result of demographic pressures that were interspersed, as noted, with hiatuses of comparatively little movement. We place our findings in the context of preceding archaeological, ethnographic, and ethnohistorical knowledge on this uniquely South American process of indigenous dispersal. Suggestions for further work to improve the scenarios we present are offered, following the note by Brochado (1984) that in the study of Guaraní archaeology, “computer modelling is probably the only way to achieve refined estimates of population growth” in the La Plata basin. 




Saturday, 31 August 2013

Amazing media response to our latest paper in PloS ONE

Our paper “Early and Middle Holocene Hunter-Gatherer Occupations in Western Amazonia: The Hidden Shell Middens” has been published less that 3 days ago in PLoS ONE. It was included in the press release of PLoS ONE and, once the embargo expired, we produced two other press releases (see previous post).
I am amazed by the interest that media from all around the world have shown! Till now I have counted more than 50 articles from USA, Spain, Germany, Brazil, Bolivia, Russia, Australia etc. Plus, several people posted about our research in their blogs.
Samples from the internet press of the last 2 days:
Germany:
Brazil:
UK:
USA:
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/08/30/10000-year-old-bolivian-settlements-amazon_n_3844189.html

A blog post I liked:

Wednesday, 19 December 2012

Trinidad 2013?


The Llanos de Moxos, in the Bolivian Amazon, are a fascinating site. Full of archaeological remains, striking and diverse tropical fauna and flora and many indigenous cultures. The Llanos covers about 150.000 km2 of seasonally flooded savannah. For many years it has been largely neglected by the scientific community, only a handful of researchers have worked in the area. Fortunately, things are now beginning to change. In the last half a decade several new researchers (including myself) have decided to study this fascinating region. As far as I know, there are now several ongoing research projects in the LM. I list here those that come to mind:











A few weeks ago, whilst reading a post on John Walker’s blog, I thought it would be great if we could all meet next summer in Trinidad,Beni. Actually, Last year I already talked about organising some kind of meeting among the ‘Moxos researchers’ with Marcos Michel, currently Director of la Direccion General de Patrimonio Cultural of the Bolivian Government, and with other people from the Governación del Beni, and all seemed very keen with the idea. It would be great to share some of our work and experiences among ourselves, but also among local researchers and interested parties. There are plenty of Benianos who are passionate about the  past of the LM and some areperforming their own research (such as Ricardo Bottega in Trinidad or Jaime Bocchetti in Santa Ana de Yacuma). It could be really interesting to engage in an exchange of ideas and experiences between “cientificos gringos” and Bolivianos!
If you like the idea and want to get involved you could do 2 things: 1) if you know of other ongoing projects in the Llanos de Moxos you could send the link of this page to those involved and send me their names (so that I can add them to the list). 2) Let me know when would be the best time for you to have the meeting in Trinidad, considering that it would have to be during the dry season (June-October). Keep in mind that there is a conference on Amazonian archaeology in Ecuador from the 7 to 14 of September, so we should avoid overlapping. Although I am not entirely sure if the conference has been confirmed.
Cheers, and I hope to see you in Trinidad next summer!
Umberto










Wednesday, 14 March 2012

A story of people and rivers in the Amazon of 5000 years ago

ResearchBlogging.org
This time I will tell you about a story that began in the Mid-Holocene (5000 years ago) and is set in the Bolivian Amazon. More precisely in the south-eastern part of the Llanos de Moxos seasonally flooded savannah, in what we call the Monumental Mounds Region MMR (Fig. 1).  Here, between 400 and 1400 AD, pre-Columbians built hundreds of monumental earth mounds, known locally as “lomas”. These earth mounds are planned, complex buildings made by one or more pyramids built on top of elevated platforms (Fig. 3-3).  Monumental mounds can be up to 20 meters high and can cover up to 30 hectares. In the MMR there are more than 350 of these pre-Columbian buildings.
Figure 1 The Llanos de Moxos, the MMR (yellow
box) and the paleo-courses of Río Grande (pink lines). 
During the early Holocene (between 11.000 and 5.000 years ago) this portion of Amazonia was relatively dryer than today, inundations were less frequent and rivers transported few sediments. During these stable climatic conditions there was no deposition of fluvial sediments in the savannahs and soils were forming all over the Llanos de Moxos. 

Mid- Holocene: Río Grande built the landscape

But things changed a lot during the Mid-Holocene, between 5 and 4Ky BP. The Rio Grande (pink lines in Fig. 1) entered in a period of frequent avulsions and high sedimentation, probably triggered by a climate change towards wetter conditions. As a result, in the South-eastern LM, it formed a ­fluvial distributary system (FDS) (Fig. 2-1). Suddenly, the landscape was transformed into a large swamp, dominated by something similar to an interior delta. This FDS deposited several levees, crating relief at a local scale (Fig. 2-2), and a sedimentary lobe, creating relief at a regional scale (Fig. 2-3). The former soils were buried and the landscape became a mosaic of patches of savannahs closely interwoven and sometimes enclosed by forested paleo-levees.


Late Holocene: pre-Columbians transformed the landscape


In the MMR, the lobe deposition favoured the development of a complex pre-Columbian society by increasing the region’s agricultural potential. Firstly, it created a convex-up topography, which greatly reduced its susceptibility to ­flooding; secondly, the construction of the elevated ­fluvial levees significantly improved drainage conditions at the local scale. Furthermore, the Río Grande also provided relatively younger sediments derived from its Andean catchment that are rich in nutrients. Thus, the Río Grande removed the two biggest obstacles faced by tropical agriculture in the rest of Amazonia: severe waterlogging and poor soils. But the Río Grande’s job was not perfect: fl­uvial levees enclosed patches of ­floodplain, resulting in ponding and pronounced waterlogging. Thus pre-Columbian people had to transform the landscape through the construction of a drainage system in order to further improve agricultural conditions (Fig. 3-1).





The network of canals had a significant impact on the edaphology of the MMR: it pushed the forest-savannah boundary towards the savannah, eventually increasing the area of well-drained, usable land. The inhabitants of the MMR were very lucky because they also had several lakes placed on the top of the sedimentary lobe. Building canals that transported the water from the lakes to the agricultural fields (Fig. 4), they were able to perform agriculture even during the dry season.
The spatial overlap (Fig. 3-2) between the monumental mounds and the area of deposition of the sedimentary lobe created by the Río Grande during the mid- to late Holocene  suggests that good edaphic conditions favoured the emergence of the monumental mounds culture (Fig. 3-3).



The ­fluvial landscape created by Río Grande was probably an important factor behind the emergence of the monumental mounds culture in the South-eastern LM, as it provided favourable environmental preconditions in terms of soils, nutrients and drainage characteristics. Pre-Columbians additionally modified and improved their environment by building a network of drainage canals.
Figure 4 (a) Drainage canal (A–B) and irrigation canal (C–D) 
built along topographic slopes. (b)The C–D canal in detail;
 the irrigation canal linking Lake San José to the Cotoca mound 
joins pre-existing natural channels. Coring in the middle of 
the canal shows that the bed of the canal is only 50cm below 
the present bed (which is about 50 cm below the modern savannah). 
Therefore, this canal was at most 1 meter deep but went through a slope 
of 3 meters. The only possible function of such a canal was irrigation.

You can find more on this story in my latest paper published on-line in the journal “The Holocene”. It is entitled “Mid- to late-Holocene fluvial activity behind pre-Columbian social complexity in the southwestern Amazon basin” and can be found here. 



Lombardo, U., & Prümers, H. (2010). Pre-Columbian human occupation patterns in the eastern plains of the Llanos de Moxos, Bolivian Amazonia Journal of Archaeological Science, 37 (8), 1875-1885 DOI: 10.1016/j.jas.2010.02.011


Umberto Lombardo, Jan-Hendrik May, & Heinz Veit (2012). Mid- to late-Holocene fluvial activity behind pre-Columbian social complexity in the southwestern Amazon basin The Holocene





Tuesday, 13 December 2011

What is Amazonia?

ResearchBlogging.org
This is not a trivial question.  Researchers writing about Amazonia very rarely provide a  definition. This ambiguity has important research implications, as often when discussing Amazonia those involved have different ideas of what is being discussed…  For example, In Meggers’ paper which I reviewed in my previous post, she disagrees with another archaeologist’s definition of Amazonia. Erikson, in his article entitled “Amazonia: the historical ecology of a domesticated landscape”, refers to Amazonia as “the entire region drained by the Amazon River and its tributaries”(Erickson 2008: 158). So, how would you define Amazonia? You could say, like Erickson , that it coincides with the basin of the Amazon River, but then you would be including a big portion of the Andes. But glaciers located 6000 m.s.l. don’t match  our idea of a lush Amazonia, do they? Another option could be to consider Amazonia only that part of the Amazon Basin that is covered by rainforest. Well, this looks better, but you would exclude important areas like the savannahs. Moreover, the size of the rainforest changes over time: the boundaries of the rainforest we see today are different from those it had 15000 years ago, and, with the expansion of industrial agriculture, forested areas have been shrinking significantly in the last 20-30 years. It is very unpractical to have to change the limits of what we call Amazonia each time the boundaries of the rainforest move. Meggers (2011) states that: “Amazonia is defined by geographers and ecologists as the portion of tropical lowland South America below 1,500 meters, where the average difference in annual temperature does not exceed 5ºF, rain falls on 130 or more days of the year, and relative humidity normally exceeds 80%. Typical vegetation consists of rainforest, with small enclaves of savannah where soil conditions inhibit plant growth.” However, she doesn’t say who are these “geographers and ecologists” and does not provide any references for this.
While looking for a good paper that defines Amazonia I found out that the European Commission, in collaboration with the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization, created in 2005 a task force of experts with the objective of defining the geographical boundaries of Amazonia. Scientists from different disciplines, such as climatology, hydrology, botany, zoology, ecology and biogeography, came together in a two day workshop to reach a consensus (Eva et al. 2005).
The criteria used to draw the map of Amazonia (Fig. 1) were Hydrography, Ecology and Biogeography.
You can download the study here

Figure 1 -
UNIT I = Amazon and Tocantins river basins [“Amazon Basin” or “Hydrographical Amazonia”]
Ia = Lowland rainforest biota of the Amazon and Tocantins River basins [“Lowland Amazon
Basin rainforest” or “Amazonia sensu stricto”]
Ib = Andes (non-lowland biota of the Andean Amazon Basin, > 700 m asl)
Ic = Planalto (non-lowland biota of the southern Amazon Basin)
UNIT II = Amazon lowland rainforest types outside Unit I
IIa = Guiana
IIb = Gurupí
Ia + IIa + IIb = Entire Amazon lowland rainforest biome [“Hylaea” or “Amazonia sensu lato”]
I + II = Amazon and Tocantins river basins + Amazon lowland rainforest biome outside the basin
[“Amazonia sensu latissimo”]

As you see in Fig. 1, they have defined Amazonia sensu stricto (the “real” Amazonia) as the area enclosed by the polygon Ia; and Amazonia sensu lato as the area enclosed by the polygons Ia+IIa+IIb (it is not the “real” Amazonia but you can call it Amazonia because it all looks alike). It would be great if, from now on and to avoid misunderstandings, archaeologists, geographers and paleoecologists that work in Amazonia could use this definition.  Eva et al. have provided us  with valuable operative tools that we can all use. Unfortunately, the European Commission forgot to make their file of the Amazonian boundaries available for download! I have been looking for it everywhere, but haven’t found anything. I asked for it through the EC web page, but I got no answer. A bit disappointing, considered that we paid for it!
Anyway, as I wanted to have a file that can be used in ArcGis, I resolved to digitalize the map of Amazonia myself. I also decided to distribute it. But, for now, you have to contact me via e-mail because I don't know yet how to upload it :-). I will put a link as soon as I figure out how to do it. I hope there is no copyright infringement in this… well, if there is, they will say something …

References


Erickson, C. L. 2008. Amazonia: the historical ecology of a domesticated landscape. In Handbook of South American archaeology, eds. H. Silverman and W. H. Isbell, 157-183. Berlin: Springer.
Meggers, B. J. 2011. Handbook of South American Archaeology Reviewed by Betty J. Meggers. Revista de Antropología Chilena 43 (1):147-157.


Eva, Hugh D., Huber, Otto, Achard, Frédéric, Balslev, Henrik, Beck, Stephan G., Behling, Hermann, Belward, Alan S., Beuchle, René,, Cleef, Antoine M., Colchester, M., Duivenvoorden, Joost F., Hoogmoed, Marinus Steven, Junk, Wolfgang Johannes, Kabat, P., Kruijt, Bart, Malhi, Yadvinder, Müller, Jan Marco, Pereira, José M. C., Peres, Carlos, Prance, Ghillean, Roberts, John, & Salo, Jukka (2005). A proposal for defining the geographical boundaries of Amazonia Office for Official Publications of the European Communities : EUR 21808-EN

Thursday, 3 November 2011

The extent of human disturbance in pre-Columbian Amazonia

ResearchBlogging.org

Understanding the extent to which pre-Columbian peoples altered and deforested the Amazon basin is key in order to assess i) the impact that pre-Columbians had on global climate during the Holocene [Dull et al., 2010] and ii) the resilience of the Amazon rainforest to human disturbance [Bush and Silman, 2007]. The first point is essential to our understanding of the major drivers behind climate fluctuations during the Holocene, and hence to help predict future fluctuations. The second point is important to inform conservation and development policies in Amazonia. Unfortunately, the scarcity of archaeological and paleoecological data from the Amazon Basin has favoured the proliferation of “reconstructions of the past” that are hard to test.  Some of these theories have reached broad audiences thanks to the echo provided by popular media and books [Mann, 2005]. New archaeological findings that suggest the existence of complex societies in pre-Columbian Amazonia have led some researchers to define the Amazon Basin as a “manufactured landscape” or an “anthropogenic cornucopia” [Balée and Erickson, 2006; Erickson, 2008].  There are 3 different lines of research that can help assess whether or not these reconstructions are accurate. One is to focus on those regions that host important archaeological remains and study the evidence of complex societies. This work is already being carried out by some archaeologists such as Heiko Prümers. The second area of research is to examine if and how the development of complex societies in the region were influenced by local environmental constraints and opportunities. This is the kind of work that I am carrying out in the Llanos de Moxos and  hope to discuss in another post quite soon J (briefly introduced here…). Another area of research that can help us understand the Amazon’s past is to test if the level of human disturbance associated with the sites where evidence of complex societies has been discovered can be extrapolated to the rest of the Amazon basin.  A milestone paper that looks at the latter, and that has been often cited in this blog, is Bush and Silman (2007).
A few weeks ago, The Holocene published on-line a new paper that delves deep into this question, providing interesting new data [McMichael et al., 2011].  McMichael et al. test the hypothesis that human disturbance was widespread in the Amazon Basin during pre-Columbian times (as some authors have suggested). If this hypothesis is true and the disturbance was widespread then, the authors argue, the sites where permanent settlements were likely to have established should show sedimentary evidence of that disturbance. Hence, they cored lakes (considered by the authors as preferred settlement sites) and sampled soils in the vicinity of the lakes and looked at charcoal and phytoliths. They found that charcoal record was discontinuous and localized. They then concluded, based on the sedimentary evidence: “Our data suggest that while all of the settings examined were occupied or used, the halo of influence around each was limited. It should not be assumed that intensive landscape transformations by prehistoric human populations occurred throughout Amazonia or that Amazonian forests were resilient in the face of heavy historical disturbance”. The paper suggests that pre-Columbians developed into complex societies and substantially altered their environment in those areas where environmental conditions were favourable. They predict that these sites can be found along the main rivers and in those parts of the Amazon Basin that are characterized by a strong seasonality (like the Llanos de Moxos).
In my opinion this paper is a beautiful piece of Science and I invite you to read it!


References:

Balée, W., and C. L. Erickson (2006), Time, complexity and historical ecology, in Time and complexity in historical ecology: studies in the neotropical lowlands, edited by W. Balée and C. L. Erickson, pp. 1-17, Columbia University Press, New York.

Bush, M. B., and M. R. Silman (2007), Amazonian exploitation revisited: ecological asymmetry and the policy pendulum, Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment, 5(9), 457-465.

Dull, R. A., R. J. Nevle, W. I. Woods, D. K. Bird, S. Avnery, and W. M. Denevan (2010), The Columbian Encounter and the Little Ice Age: Abrupt Land Use Change, Fire, and Greenhouse Forcing, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 100(4), 755-771.

Erickson, C. L. (2008), Amazonia: the historical ecology of a domesticated landscape, in Handbook of South American archaeology, edited by H. Silverman and W. H. Isbell, pp. 157-183, Springer, Berlin.

Mann, C. C. (2005), 1491 New revelations of the Americans before Columbus, Vintage books, New York.

C. H. McMichael, M. B. Bush, D. R. Piperno, M. R. Silman, A. R. Zimmerman, & C. Anderson (2011). Spatial and temporal scales of pre-Columbian disturbance associated with western Amazonian lakes The Holocene : 10.1177/0959683611414932

Saturday, 16 July 2011

Roadmap for amazonists to INQUA 2011

Next week (21-27 July 2011) The XVIII INQUA-Congress will take place in Bern, Switzerland.
As expected, very few contributions will deal with the Amazon Basin during the Holocene. I went through the program and I spotted the following presentations and posters that could be of interest to those who follow this blog. If I have missed something let me know and I will update the list. By the way, the first oral presentation on this list is mine :-) If you come to INQUA it would be great to meet up and have a good Swiss beer together!! Hope to see you there!!

ORAL PRESENTATIONS:

    POSTERS:

    Sunday, 12 June 2011

    New data about Amazonian Dark Earth (ADE).

    ResearchBlogging.org
    The Journal of Archaeological Science has just published a new study on ADE. The study, of Birk et al. is entitled: “Faeces deposition on Amazonian Anthrosols as assessed from 5b-stanols”. I have just read it and this is my very first impression:
    The new data are extremely interesting. The authors look at the presence of coprostanol (a marker for faeces) in Amazonian Dark Earth (ADE). They have found a clear change in the index used to asses different sources of stanols, when comparing samples from the topmost 10 cm with samples coming from a depth of 30-40 cm. It seems that litter degradation is responsible for this change. Moreover, it also seems that the normal indexes used to assess the human origin of the stanols do not work very well in Amazonia. This paper is going to be a valuable reference to similar studies performed in Amazonia in the future.
    Natural Oxisol on the left; Terra preta on the right

    However, while Birk et al. correctly notice that one of the most debated topics about ADE is its origin, they do not do very much to assess why the faeces were there and what is their meaning from an archaeological point of view. ADE is found in two different forms, terra preta and terra mulata. Terra preta is darker, contains more organic matter, P and charcoal and also contains lots of fragments of ceramic. Terra mulata is like a light version of terra preta, it contains more nutrients and charcoal compared with “natural” soils from the surroundings, but less compared to terra preta. Moreover, in the terra mulata sites there is no pottery. Terra preta is found in small patches of about 1 hectare and terra mulata if found surrounding the terra preta sites. Terra mulata can cover as much as 200 hectares. An interpretation could be that terra preta resulted from settlements while terra mulata resulted from agriculture. If this thesis was correct, the high fertility of terra preta would be a side effect of human waste disposal and not the intentional result of land fertilization. In the case of terra mulata, if we assume it has been produced by agricultural use, fertilization must have been intentional. In this case, it would have been very important to see if there is any coprostanol in terra mulata! But the study did not look at terra mulata. Many scholars talk about ADE as synonymous of terra preta, without making a distinction with terra mulata, despite the fact that the differences between the two are key to understanding the past of Amazonia (estimating past population density, the region’s carrying capacity, the levels of social complexity achieved, pre-Columbian settlement patterns, the extent of the human impact on pre-Columbian forest etc.)
    Birk et al. only compared samples from 4 terra preta sites with samples from natural soils. I think they missed a great occasion. If they had also looked at 4 samples from terra mulata sites they might have been able to shed new light on the matter. Perhaps they did look at terra mulata and just decided to publish the results in a second paper…keeping us waiting GRRRR J



    Birk, J. J., Teixeira, W.G., Neves, E.G., & Glaser, B. (2011). Faeces deposition on Amazonian Anthrosols as assessed from 5β-stanols Journal of Archaeological Science, 38 (6), 1209-1220 : doi:10.1016/j.jas.2010.12.015